By John Krige
In 1945, the U.S. used to be not just the most powerful monetary and army strength on the earth; it was once additionally the world's chief in technology and expertise. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technological know-how in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar clinical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the United States. They mobilized political and fiscal help to advertise not only America's clinical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly struggle political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this try at clinical dominance via the usa may be obvious as a sort of "consensual hegemony," regarding the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this inspiration to investigate a sequence of case reviews that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technology Committee, and influential individuals of the medical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia collage and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize medical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations examine. He information U.S. aid for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's learn exhibits how consensual hegemony in technology not just served the pursuits of postwar ecu reconstruction yet turned otherwise of conserving American management and "making the area secure for democracy."
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Notwithstanding sometimes violent criticism from the left, they retained legitimacy at home while negotiating the implementation of the plan with the United States and its emissaries. Their task was facilitated by two things. ”34 They were forced to oppose a popular program that, in the event, led to a palpable improvement in the standard of living in Western Europe by 1950. The Marshall Plan alone surely could not take credit for this, but for many it was the prime mover. 35 Wagnleitner, who personally lived the effects of economic recovery in postwar Austria, writes: In 1945, more than ever before, the United States signified the codes of modernity and promised the pursuit of happiness in its most-updated version, as the pursuit of consumption.
By 1948 these had mostly been rebuilt, but they were sadly lacking in equipment. To make matters worse, the technological gap between the two sides of the Atlantic was growing wider by the day. Immediately after the war the Italians were planning to establish a nuclear physics center furnished with two machines: a Betratron providing 20 MeV electrons, and a 30 MeV cyclotron that had been designed for the Science Hall at a Universal Exhibition scheduled for 1942 but never held. ” They “were losing ground at kilometres per second, and perhaps without any hope of ever catching up.
75 These efforts to support the rehabilitation of European science under the auspices of the Marshall Plan had two important consequences. First, they led the State Department to accept that science had become a significant component of foreign policy and that it needed to provide a rationale, formulate guidelines, and establish procedures for supporting science abroad. 76 Second, the burden of taking the initiative in seeking aid for science was shifted squarely onto the shoulders of the European countries themselves.